In your QoD about the Golden Gate going to all electronic table games, you mentioned the "economics of the live-dealer tables." I know that the labor costs are self-evident, but what other economic factors do you think go into the decision to scale back or completely eliminate them, like at Golden Gate?
Good question.
The first and foremost factor, as you mention, is the cost of labor, though it's maybe not as self-evident as you might surmise. Labor alone can drive the decision to scale down or completely get rid of the table-game pit. Here are some numbers supplied by a cooperative table games director of our acquaintance, a sort of anonymous famulus to our QoD scholars, if you will.
First, you have to look at the theoretical win. To simplify the matter, let's use a $10 blackjack player at a 1% house advantage and 100 hands an hour on a busy Friday night. Over time, that player is worth $10 an hour. Five players at the table? $50 over the 60-minute period. Four tables to a section? The theoretical win: $200.
Now, each player gets two drinks in the hour at, say, $1 each; there goes $40. Base pay and benefits for the four dealers and their relief dealer add up to, say, $10 an hour each; that's another $50. The floor supervisor is making maybe $28 an hour in salary and benefits; the relief supervisor will hit all four sections, so make it another $7 an hour. Now we're up to $125.
Our guy tells us that he has to figure in another 15% of the theo in reinvestment costs: cards, shoes, racks, chips, felt, tables, chairs, and the big one, new technology. That's another $35. Total $160. That leaves us $40 an hour to pay for surveillance, shift managers, security, electricity, maintenance, Human Resources, C-suite salaries, and the millions upon millions that a major casino spends on marketing, overhead, and taxes.
Which brings us to the second major factor in this decision, one that we're sure few people consider.
Most states tax table games on gross gaming revenue (GGR), emphasis on the gross. That's the drop, what players bring to the table, and not the hold, what they leave behind. Over time, this works out to the theo.
Nevada has an effective tax rate of 6.75%, so in our example, taxes over the long term would work out to $13.50 of that $200. Now we're up to $173.50. But Mississippi taxes at 12%, so in Tunica, on the $200 theo, that's $24 in taxes. Now take Pennsylvania at 16% on live-dealer GGR, for $32. In New York, fully automated ETGs are taxed at 25%, while live tables come in at just 10%.
But dig this. Pennsylvania's tax rate for a fully automated electronic table game is 50%, 5% less than a normal slot machine. On the other hand, a dealer-assist stadium game falls under the table tax at 16%. And don't even get us started about Illinois, which our guy calls a "tax quagmire." Bottom line: Taxes without a doubt go into the economics of the decision as to which way to go with table games.
Our guy tells us that labor, reinvestment, and overhead costs remain fairly consistent around the country, at least in terms of percentages on the profit & loss. However, the decision to go fully ETG will never be universal, or even consistent, due to tax regimes and legislative frameworks, which can vary drastically.
He sums up the situation with this, "In Nevada, taxes are flat and light at 6.75% of GGR, regardless of whether a game is fully manual, dealer-assisted, or electronically enhanced. That predictability makes Las Vegas a laboratory for innovation. By contrast, in Pennsylvania, live tables are taxed at 16%, while fully automated ETGs are hammered at 50%, falling slightly to 48% after the first year. But a dealer-assisted table still qualifies for the lower 16%. That policy alone can determine whether an operator installs a bubble craps machine or the dealer-assisted Roll To Win game.
"In short, The 'smart table revolution' doesn't move in a straight line; it zigzags according to local law."
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